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The Act is strongly opposed by Maori and not strongly supported - certainly, often actively opposed - by non-Maori. Had there been highly effective public assist for the Act we might have anticipated to have encountered it, but we did not. NOTHING better illustrates the weakness of the Ministerial Review Committee’s report back to the Attorney General, Chris Finlayson, than it’s self-serving assumption that highly effective public help for the Foreshore & Seabed Act does not exist. Nor might the Committee’s predisposition in favour of the Act’s repeal, be better illustrated. Had the Committee been genuinely all for gauging the extent of in style help for the Foreshore & Seabed Act, it could have commissioned an impartial survey of public opinion. The truth that the Committee didn't do this suggests quite a few issues. It means that they have been frightened of what a correctly carried out attitudinal survey might have revealed. If so, they made a vital error. The whole fraught challenge of who owns the foreshore and seabed was pushed almost completely by Pakeha mistrust of Maori intentions, and by the insistence that every New Zealander’s proper to benefit from the beaches be irrevocably enshrined in statute law?
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Goff may be unwilling to play the race-card in the identical manner as Brash. To salve Labour’s wounded conscience on the problem, he might even help to assemble yet another bi-partisan "consensus" over the explosive implications of legally acknowledging tino rangatiratanga. With the Greens, that might give National an impressive parliamentary majority for repeal. But the Prime Minister can be foolish to suppose that a parliamentary majority is the be-all and end-all of politics. Because, inevitably, somewhere on the market in "punterland" there will be someone with the requisite political abilities, and the mandatory finance to mobilise them, who’s going to grab upon any try to limit New Zealanders’ right to stroll freely on their nation’s beaches, and turn it right into a populist campaign of such electoral energy that our political landscape shall be utterly reworked - and never for the higher. Te Riri Pakeha - the white man’s anger - was ugly sufficient within the Nineteenth Century. It's going to look no prettier in the Twenty-First. Th is data has been written wi th the help of GSA Content Generator DEMO!
There’s another potential reason the Ministerial Review Committee did not encounter very many supporters of the Act on their travels. Bluntly talking, it’s as a result of the vast majority of Pakeha New Zealanders virtually certainly believe that the matter was settled 5 years ago. What’s more, with a National Government in energy, the opportunity of the Act’s repeal is probably inconceivable to all those Pakeha "rednecks" who elected Key to workplace. That is, in spite of everything, the identical political celebration which gave us the "Iwi/Kiwi" billboards. And it's upon this rock of Pakeha expectation that the Committee’s report is more likely to founder. To keep away from the kind of devastating shift in political allegiance that Don Brash achieved together with his infamous Orewa speech, John Key must provide his Pakeha supporters with a rock-solid guarantee that their capacity to stroll, swim, sail, fish, and usually get pleasure from New Zealand’s coastline will not be in any manner undermined.
The Committee needed to know if this was nonetheless the case. The refusal to scientifically take a look at public opinion additionally suggests that one thing else was at work in the committee’s deliberations besides fear. It’s troublesome to provide it a name, but it has one thing to do with the notion that the views of Pakeha unsympathetic to Maori points could be (and ought to be?) safely ignored. It’s a notion which surfaces each time the topic of Maori rights arises in elite circles. And it’s primarily based on the conviction that your average Pakeha "redneck" is too ignorant and prejudiced vis-à-vis the tangata whenua to have an opinion worth hearing. The Committee’s dismissive assertion powerfully reinforces this suggestion of elitism. It clearly never occurred to Finlayson that the choice of a panel comprised of a Maori judicial activist, a sympathetic tutorial lawyer, and the daughter of Tipene O’Reagan, simply may sign to individuals and teams strongly supportive of the Act that turning up could be a waste of time.
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